THE WORLD WAR FOR SURVIVAL

The war has come. Overnight, almost, the people of the United States have been shocked out of their confidence that this war could be fought with dollars and not with men, not with the "blood and sweat and tears" of this country, ~e are no longer observers and financiers of the war; we are full-blown participants. Now we can see how childish was the course of those who were determined to dc their self-righteous bit for "the salvation of the world" without making real sacrifices. Pearl Harbor naval losses and war-time measures have already begun the job of developing a greater maturity and a sense of real danger in the American people.

Let us not think that the war, because it came as a counter-declaration to Japan, was forced upon us two weeks ago. That may have been the immediate cause, but men of broad vision in the United States long ago arrived at the conclusion that a war with the Axis was inevitable. Essentially this is a war for existence, a war in which the freedom of the world is at stake. Freedom and totalitarianism cannot be confined within the borders of any certain few states. The world we live in is one unit. It was with this in mind that President Roosevelt called to our attention, in his first radio address after the declaration of war, that the fate of this nation is inextricably bound up with the progress of the war on any battlefront of the world, no matter how far-flung or distant. The United States is on this planet, and no amount of sand will cover the heads of our would-be ostriches.

The implications of this international war may, as yet, not be clear. Though the people of this country are determined to fight this war to its victorious end, many of them have not yet lost that damning quality of isolationism, of aloofness from the world's problems. They have the complacency of a blind man picking flowers on the edge of a cliff. The unanimity of Congress, now, will only serve to make the contrast more severe when we approach the day of reckoning—the peace. When we have won, will they be ready to assume the responsibilities of victory?

But bad as the general run of isolationists may be, our own, the Jewish "isolationists," are far worse. Desperately afraid of anti Semitism, guided by a morbid passion to outdo even the most devoted American patriot in "undivided" loyalties, they will—not unlike their newly found spokesman, Jerome Frank—seek to deny their identity, hoping in this manner to escape it. Consciously or unconsciously, these Jews are running away from the issue: America fights for aims common to us all. But will the achievement of these aims automatically put an end to Jewish misery and abnormality?

For the Jew, this war has its own particular significance. Never was the time more opportune for the full presentation of the Zionist program. Perhaps, at last, this program will be understood, for at last all civilization realizes that the world is made up of component parts woven into an organic whole. This is a war for the freedom and dignity of nations, the Jewish nation included. No lasting peace is possible without the solution of the world's problems, and the Jewish problem along with them.

A world system of free nationalities is the order of the day. In this new framework Zionism, the world movement for Jewish independence, which views the Jewish problem in its world perspective, must and will gain recognition.

Zionism approaches the zero hour. Americans no longer sit idly by and watch the whirl of events from an ivory tower. The whole democratic world is carrying out a life or death offensive. Zionists, too, must be engaged in that offensive. With the young men and women of this country being shaken out of their routine, leaving their homes, finding new vocations, risking their lives, Zionism must strike and bring its ideas to the forefront. These ideas must be expressed in action no less concrete and no less revolutionizing. A fervor for bold personal acts has gripped the nation, and our work too must rise to this higher emotional pitch. This is the time for a new realism, not one based on the recognition of the reality of today and yesteryear, but on the recognition of the impact behind a powerful idea, on its ability to mold and shape the world of tomorrow.

Firmly behind the war effort of our country, we must render every possible assistance to our government to bring this war to a successful conclusion. In whatever we do we must be conscious of the more complex pattern we follow. We must retain our identity as Habonim, as Labor Zionist youth, for the sake of the historic tasks which have brought us into being, and for the sake of the particular duty we are called upon to perform. As organized units we shall do our duty to Zionism, and as organized units we shall be of greater service to America's defense.

Our chaverim will take their places in the armed forces of our country. Some will volunteer; others will be drafted. All will go willingly, fully conscious that they are fighting their war, and no devotion is greater than the devotion to a cause with which one identifies one's self. Those of us who are too young for the armed forces will enlist in civilian defense work; will become air raid wardens, messengers; will learn first aid; will save paper, metal, and other waste material; buy defense stamps and bonds. As a movement we will place 
our camps and our personnel at the disposal of the government, should the need for evacuation centers arise, as did Habonim in England.

On the Zionist front, too, we must take the offensive. An "all-out" effort will be the only valid one. A vigorous offensive for the Zionist idea must be launched, to get to those who have never been hit by its impact before. Zionism must be brought before the public eye. Jewish demands must grow more clear and strong. Zionist funds must be raised in growing quantities.

Even now we must make plans for a huge aliya to Palestine at the close of the war. We were never more ready for it than we are today. Chalutzim will come from our own ranks and from the ranks of other Zionist youth. After the war, many young Jews will be returning from the army, ready to embark on new ventures. Then Palestine will beckon to the thousands who are prepared to live a new life in the new Jewish land.
This undertaking will require daring, energy, and funds. But we can do it. For daring and energy we must look within ourselves. For funds we will turn to our war-time savings. Thousands of dollars in defense stamps and bonds, which are today helping in the war effort, will, tomorrow redeemed, be placed at the services of this great enterprise.

We face the future in a mood of grim determination, confident that, though the struggle will be fierce and the cost bitter, we shall not fail.

MERKAZ HABONIM, December, 1941