CAMP KVUTZA
One of the most significant and tangible contributions made by Habonim to the Labor Zionist ideal and to Jewish life in America. is the summer Camp Kvutza. More than any institution created by our movement, Camp Kvutza embodies the totality of Labor Zionist ideology. The participant in the camp program is enabled to give life to the principles of self-labor, cooperative living, self-government, and intensive Jewish experience.
Camp Kvutza has been the mainstay of Habonim throughout its twenty-five years of existence. Historically, it preceded the organization of Habonim by several years. In theory, Camp Kvutza was intended to provide a culminating activity for the Habonim organizational year; in effect, the reverse has been true. It is the
summer camp which provides the motivation and direction for the year's activities to come.
Camp Kvutza is intended to simulate, as closely as possible, its counterpart, the kvutza or kibbutz in Israel. It was formed with the intention of somehow emulating the ideal kvutza on American soil. The chaverim were thus to be exposed, in concrete areas of daily living, to principles which were heretofore abstractions. The importance of enveloping a child in a total environment, dedicated to an ideal and to a way of life, has become a recognized educational necessity by many other youth organizations and ideological groupings in America. Since Habonim's pioneering venture in 1933, the United Synagogue has developed the Ramah camps; the Reform movement is opening camps all over the country; and most Zionist youth groups have their summer camps, too. Habonim may take understandable
pride in the fact that the pattern of such camping has followed the example of our Camp Kvutza.
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An analysis of the daily program at camp may lead to greater insight into the educational revolution achieved by Habonim in American Jewish camping. The schedule at Camp Kvutza Galil, near Philadelphia, is probably quite typical.
Campers arise at 7:15 a.m. to the ringing of a bell and the dulcet tones of the rosh (head of the camp) moving from cabin to cabin. Hitamlut (exercise) usually follows, after a five-minute interval. Clean-up of bunks follows. Each chaver is responsible for his own personal cleanliness, the making of his own bed, and the cleaning of the immediate area in which he lives. The general clean-up of the bunk is a collective responsibility. An appreciation of individual differences and of the difficulties and rewards of group living are oft times better learned during the hours of close bunk living than in long hours of theoretical discussion. Rapport between individuals is best developed within the framework of the bunk, even during such ordinary periods as clean-up.
Some of our camps have evolved a system of daily inspections. Each cabin is graded for cleanliness, and there is some sort of extra treat for the one that wins the "cleanliness banner" for a two-week period. This procedure is not universally followed; and even in those camps where it has been accepted, much soul-searching was done first. Since one of our objectives is the development of self-discipline and a sense of group responsibility, shouldn't a clean cabin, in and of itself, be sufficient reward? Experience has shown, however, that too many of our children are all too dependent on the mother or the maid. Instilling a respect for order, decorum, and personal cleanliness becomes an important educational responsibility of Camp Kvutza.
Just prior to breakfast, the chaverim arrange themselves in a circle around the flagpole, where a flag-raising ceremony is held and announcements are made. In the early days of Camp Kvutza— during the 1930's—any form of militarism was looked upon unfavorably. Very few formal ceremonies were held. There was even opposition to a special Habonim uniform or shirt, which smacked too much of the "Brown Shirts" or the "Black Shirts." The organization of chaverim in military formations was anathema to most of our leaders. With the development of Hagana and the military experiences that many chaverim themselves lived through, the resistance to such formations was tempered. In some of our camps, a very strict and formal drill takes place. In most, some simple ceremony is carried out.
Next, the camp proceeds to the dining hall for breakfast. Procedures and conditions in the kitchen and the dining room have undergone a number of changes over the years. In the early days of Camp Kvutza, facilities were quite primitive. In Accord, 1935, not much more than a shack served as a dining hall; and a wood-burning stove was used by a cook who was herself a member of the movement. In Ottawa, 1946, the dining hall was a large tent, and the kitchen, a small wooden shack. There was no electricity, and refrigeration consisted of ice boxes—the ice coming from a French-Canadian who had cut the blocks from the lake in the winter and stored them in an underground cave. Drinking water was delivered by tank daily. For washing, lake water was pumped into special barrels.
The picture is much changed today. Most camps have modern, well-equipped kitchens, with walk-in refrigerators, freezers, hot and cold running water, dishwashing machines, etc. Each camp must now meet the stringent requirements of local boards of health. The volunteer, movement cooks have given way to professional chefs. In some camps, dietitians are employed; and business managers are involved in food purchasing throughout the year. The fundamental operation of the kitchen has, however, remained intact and follows the principles set down by the pioneer Camp Kvutzot. Chaverim take their turn working in the kitchen, serving the food, and cleaning up afterwards. The older campers do the more difficult tasks and are frequently assigned to assist the cook. All this is based on a rotation system initiated and carried out by the campers' work committee. All kitchens observe kashruth, in compliance with a decision of the 1945 convention.
Traditions have grown up in the various camps with regard to procedures before, during, and after meals. Singing is, of course, universal. Habonim marching songs are used while walking to the dining hall, and Bialik's Mi Yatzilenu is almost always sung before the meal. A number of camps have added the traditional "Moizi." In some camps, the teaching of new songs is a part of the meal; in others, a brief "travelogue" on Israel is conducted. Still others have some type of functional Hebrew program at the meal. This may include posters and charts of eating utensils and foods with their Hebrew terms; mimeographed Hebrew menus; or brief, humorous skits employing Hebrew phrases.
Since "spirit" is still unfortunately equated with noise, the din is frequently overwhelming. The method of seating in the dining hall also reflects the philosophy of Camp Kvutza. In most American camps, children of a bunk sit at a single table with their own counselor. In our camps, the camper has a free choice as to where he will sit, the only rule being that there must be a madrich at each table. This permits a degree of mobility and affords chaverim from different cabins the opportunity to get to know each other better.
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From breakfast, chaverim proceed to their Hebrew classes. Habonim camps are not "Hebrew-speaking"; they are "Hebrew-centered." This means that Hebrew is employed to the greatest possible extent, depending upon the Hebrew background of both staff and campers. In Moshava, near Baltimore, for example, a considerable amount of Hebrew is used. All announcements are carried out in Hebrew, as are many discussions and other activities. In most camps, Hebrew terminology is employed wherever possible. Hebrew classes are conducted; and, through singing and daily living, a Hebrew atmosphere prevails. The expanded role of Hebrew is also reflected in the fact that Habonim camps are being recognized by accredited Hebrew institutions and by Jewish educators; some have even been the beneficiaries of scholarship aid. During the summer of 1959, seventeen separate classes in Hebrew were conducted at Galil, from courses for beginners through advanced study of modern Hebrew literature. The extent and intensity of the Hebrew program, as is the case with any element of the program, is directly dependent on the quality and background of the staff. Because of the lack of Hebrew teachers, it is sometimes necessary to have Hebrew classes in two shifts.
The work program is usually scheduled during mid-morning. Since the concept of cooperative labor is among the central principles of Camp Kvutza, a great deal of attention is given to its organization. Work is of a dual nature. In the first place, there are those tasks connected with the physical maintenance of the campsite: kitchen duty, described above; garbage details; the cleaning of such communal facilities as the central shower houses and the infirmary. Secondly, there are creative projects, such as the construction of new buildings, the garden, and amphitheatres. Evidence of an intensely satisfying work program is obvious to any visitor. However, once the raw initial site is developed and basic physical needs met, the amount of basic construction work possible lessens during each succeeding summer. To add to the problem, the average age of the camper has gone down over the years. Many of the camps have large younger contingents. All too often "busy work" is provided these younger campers, and attempts are made to "create" work even for the older ones. This artificiality is sensed and militates against the development of fully positive attitudes toward manual work, and the concept of the dignity of labor suffers.
Swimming and sports complete the morning's program. The beautiful creek at Accord has given way to modern, concrete swimming pools. Here, parental pressure has dictated change. The camp that doesn't offer swimming instruction and provide registered lifeguards could probably not exist. The sports program, while still peripheral, is much improved. Informal games on improvised facilities have given way to paved basketball courts and fixed baseball fields with proper backstops. Most sports in camp are still group-centered. However, there is a trend to the increased use of competition. Many camps have instituted competitive team schedules, and sports competition is frequently arranged with neighboring camps. The development of a broader, more balanced sports program, is, on the whole, positive and affords the camper the physical advantages of a more inclusive camping program.
Just prior to the midday meal, a period of general singing is introduced. New songs are taught, and old ones reviewed. The type of song depends on the musical sophistication of the group and its repertorial background. Songs may be taught in preparation for special events, such as the oneg Shabbat or a Bialik evening. Since group singing is so important in creating an esprit de corps and in setting a tone for so many activities, the whole tenor of the summer's program can depend on the success of singing. Luckily, this is an area of proficiency for most of our camps.
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Following the noonday meal comes a rest period, during which the campers may write, read, or simply relax. The active program necessitates such a period. In many camps this time is also used for meetings of the various committees.
Guided democracy, is a key concept of Camp Kvutza. Every effort is made to give each chaver a feeling of direct participation in and responsibility for the total program. The ultimate forum for democratic action is the asefa, the regular weekly or biweekly meeting of the entire camp. Here are elected the committees, which are responsible for such areas as work. Sabbath programs, evening programs, the "oral newspaper" at the Saturday-night campfire, and kupa (the communal fund). A campers' committee, which, in effect, acts as a supreme court for the group, is also elected.
The principles governing the operation of the kupa, the communal fund, have actually undergone fewer metamorphoses in Camp Kvutza than in the kibbutz in Israel. The chaver at camp has no private funds; and all packages from home, with their accompanying goodies, are turned over to the kupa. From the kupa come those supplies and items ordered by campers which they as a group have decided to include within the scope of their communal fund. The discussions that are generated by the problems of kupa are often the most illuminating and significant part of the campers' meetings. The responsibility of Camp Kvutza in combating the pattern of materialism, conformity, and "rugged individualism" in the society at large is very clear in this area. The problem is usually aggravated on visiting day when parents are sometimes permitted to picnic on the grounds. The young chaver who refuses a private treat from his parents because otherwise he might be "breaking kupa" is testimony to the underlying effectiveness of our educational experience, which, in a relatively short time, has developed in the camper a sense of self-discipline and regard for the mores of the group of which he is now a part.
Most of the activities at camp are usually correlated with each other and, depending upon the topic or theme of the formal educational program, are frequently integrated. While this is generally good progressive educational practice, it is also necessary that campers have activities during the day which are non-related to the over-all program. The educational philosophy that permeates our camps was initiated by a generation of leaders who were deeply influenced by progressive educational theory. We desired a "child-centered" program based on the needs, felt and unfelt, and interests of each child, while, at the same time, remaining aware of the problem of carrying out a "culture-centered" program. It has not always been possible to start with the felt or obvious needs of the child; we have been too conscious of the needs of our people. Consequently, our educational philosophy has been tempered with compromise. We have been careful not to impose our program authoritatively and have encouraged each individual camper to try to fulfill his own needs.
All this is by way of introduction to the period of interest groups. Here a camper may do creative work that has nothing to do with the rest of the program. The type and nature of these groups are dependent only upon the availability of leadership and a sufficient number of interested individuals. Included are such areas as nature study, scouting, arts and crafts, dancing (Israeli and modern interpretative), orchestra, creative dramatics, and photography. It is also possible for an interest group to be integrated into some other area of camp life. For example, the photography club may need a darkroom, which would provide a work project; the creative dramatics group might prepare an evening program, and so on.
When the heat of the day subsides and campers have had their swim and showers and are fairly relaxed and cool, the sicha (discussion) program begins. Every chaver is assigned to a discussion group of his immediate peers. The groups are relatively small, and a madrich is assigned to each. The sicha is the core of the camp's entire educational program, and more time is spent on the preparation of this activity than on any other element of camp living. The topics have varied through the years, but Labor Zionist ideals and Habonim's orientation have always been central in this program. Syllabi are frequently published by the national office, many of which contain detailed outlines for the discussion group. Extensive bibliography is provided; and, depending upon budget, correlative material is supplied. Projects are often developed alongside the discussion, especially with younger groups.
Much of the program presupposes basic knowledge on the part of madrichim. This supposition is, unfortunately, not always correct. The rosh frequently finds himself giving orientation lectures to madrichim the night before they in turn are expected to lead discussions in their own groups. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, the sicha has been a most potent force in developing positive emotional attachments and attitudes toward Labor Zionism, with corresponding identification with Habonim.
In the early days, many campers arrived with little or no Jewish background. Much time was, therefore, spent in basic Jewish orientation. Today the majority of the campers attend Hebrew schools of all types. It is, therefore, possible to devote more attention to specific movement orientation. On the other hand, whereas most campers formerly had some social consciousness and economic and political awareness, the bulk of our children today are devoid of such understanding. It is a truism in all of life today. Those who never experienced the pangs of the depression or lived in the pre-state era or had direct ties with Yiddish, Eastern European culture find it more difficult to comprehend the philosophy of our movement. We are faced with the problem of creating vicarious experiences and evolving an emotionalism which is all too frequently shallow. This is a fundamental problem in formal Jewish education as well as in Camp Kvutza. The value of the latter is heightened in that, if success can at all be achieved in this area, the camp setting is most amenable to some measure of fulfillment.
To return to the daily schedule, a half-hour of "free time" precedes the flag-lowering ceremony, which is followed by supper, the evening program—usually something of an entertaining nature— and, finally, bedtime.
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This schedule is followed five days a week. It changes radically on Friday afternoon and Saturday. If there is a moment in the life of Camp Kvutza when the individual senses a oneness with his tradition and heritage, with the awesome splendor of nature, and with a deep feeling of personal peace, it is during those moments when the sun slowly sets and the chaverim of the camp, dressed in their white and blue holiday clothing, "go forth to meet the Sabbath Queen."
Each camp has developed its own tradition for this moment. The chaverim may walk en masse to a lovely natural setting or gather near the garden to witness the majesty of growth; they may gather around the stillness of the pool, where their inner glow is reflected in the waters. Passages from the Bible are read, and traditional melodies are sung; the choir may offer appropriate songs, or a brief story may be told, and the rosh may summarize the accomplishments of the week. The camp, to the strains of joyous Sabbath songs, proceeds to the dining hall, which, too, has been prepared for the occasion.
The formal oneg Shabbat usually takes place later in the evening, at some special site. While the oneg Shabbat was the creation of Bialik and was introduced in Israel, it was unquestionably the Habonim Camp Kvutza that gave it form and substance in America. It has evolved from informal programs of readings and song to increasingly complex dramatic forms. The remainder of the evening is spent in dance; and, as chaverim tire of the physical demands of Israeli dancing, they gather quietly in some corner where the repertory of Hebrew songs is heard. Chaverim are permitted to stay up later than the usual bedtime, to
preserve the festive mood of the Sabbath and to permit the chaverim to sleep later on Saturday morning.
To comprehend the problem of the observance of the Sabbath in Camp Kvutza, one must understand the developing pattern of Jewish life in America with its increased emphasis on religious affiliation. The Jew in America, like it or not, is identified by the vast majority of Americans in religious terms. Since Americans recognize only one other type grouping—racial—no ethnic or cultural group in American life has really separate identity of status. Consequently, ever-increasing numbers of American Jews are joining synagogues and temples. This phenomenon is not necessarily predicated on religious fervor at all. In the majority of cases, especially in the new world of suburbia, joining the synagogue has become mainly an act of Jewish group identification. Unfortunately, the adult who joins infrequently realizes that, while he may have joined for sundry reasons, he now sends his child to a religious Hebrew school. This school attempts to mold this child into an image of denominational Judaism.
The recent study published by the American Association for Jewish Education has shown that more than eighty-five percent of American Jewish children receive their elementary Jewish education in congregational Hebrew schools. Even those schools, usually called "Yiddishist," which might be called non-religious have radically changed their curricula and have introduced many elements of Jewish religious ritual to their program. In light of these facts, we must understand that the overwhelming majority of our campers are affiliated with synagogues, attend religious Hebrew schools, and come to camp with ritual orientation. Camp Kvutza must adjust to this phenomenon if it is to remain an accepted, effective educational institution within the community and attract to it unaffiliated Jewish youth.
This does not imply that our Habonim ideology must become more religiously oriented. It does suggest, however, that we take more care in providing outlets for formal religious expression for those who desire it in our camps. This approach is not really new to our movement. The decision regarding kashrut has already been mentioned. The writer recalls a visit from a small delegation in the Ottawa camp of 1946, requesting a daily minyan for one who desired to say Kaddish; the rosh became the "Tenth Man."
Thus, in Galil, Sabbath services are a scheduled part of the program; and there is also a discussion group for those who are "not at home" in formal services. The remainder of the day moves quietly and unhurriedly. There is opportunity for short walks, swimming, and sports. Meals are relatively simple affairs. A Bible-study group meets on a voluntary basis; a handful of chaverim, mostly staff, attend.
From Havdalah the camp moves to the campfire site, where a varied program is carried out. The newspaper is read, stories are told, songs are sung, games are played; and after the younger campers have been sent off to bed, the elder campers gather closer around the fire to gaze into the slowly dying embers and become infused with Weltschmerz.
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Such is the program of Camp Kvutza. To the thousands who have experienced the joys of living in a Habonim camp at any time during the past twenty-five years, the program described above will undoubtedly awaken pleasant memories and nostalgic reminiscences. The old-timers should recognize, twenty-five years after, the essence of the initial program and intent of Camp Kvutza. What has changed reflects, not a change in basic ideology or educational approach, but rather the changes of an evolving society.
Several other aspects of Habonim camping deserve some comment. Without the close cooperation of the senior movement, it is doubtful that many of our camps could have been established or maintained. This is even more true today. Camping in America is "big business." Some of our camps represent investments of from fifty to eighty-five thousand dollars each. The annual budget of a camp like Galil is more than forty thousand dollars. The technical operation of such plants require the services of mature and experienced people. Most camps have year-round business managers, often chaverim from the senior movement. Local camp committees, composed of representatives of the total movement, are faced with the responsibility of registration, maintenance, and public relations for the camp. Those camps that do not have such guidance are, frequently, improperly managed; and, in some cases, the national office of Habonim has been forced to take over the ownership of these camps and provide long-distance management. While the senior movement (which often means Habonim graduates, who have themselves undergone the experience of Camp Kvutza) should be encouraged to assist in the physical and material aspects of camp, it must be made clear that the educational program, its content and personnel, must be the responsibility of Habonim itself. Any other arrangement would invalidate a basic tenet of Habonim camping. The major problem, however, lies in the area of default.
One of the most aggravated problems facing Camp Kvutza today is in the area of qualified madrichim and supervisory personnel. The problem is, of course, not restricted to the camp situation, which only reflects the dearth of competent leadership throughout the movement. Some solution to this must be found, or the very nature of Camp Kvutza will suffer transformation.
Several important steps have been taken which may partially solve this problem. The Habonim Workshop, which is growing from year to year, should supply a core of competent staff. In addition, many of the Kvutzot have instituted leadership-training programs, so established as to encourage members of Habonim in the age categories of sixteen and seventeen, who are too young and immature to be madrichim but who feel themselves to be too old and sophisticated to be campers, to attend camp, often at reduced rates. The second year of the program finds them assigned to cabins as assistants to the madrichim. It should be noted, parenthetically, that the goal of this program is not only the assurance of staffing the summer camps, but of creating a dynamic, knowledgeable leadership for Habonim throughout the organizational year.
A third possible source of staff, particularly on the supervisory level, must come from Israel itself. Some method must be found to enable graduates of Habonim, living in Israel, to return to America for at least the summer months. This poses grave financial difficulties, but; in view of the rising budgets of each Kvutza, these are not insurmountable. Finally, Habonim itself must find a way to encourage its young members to continue their formal Jewish education so that; when they reach the age of leadership, they may take their place as qualified madrichim. Habonim must continue to be infused with the ideal of self-discipline toward movement responsibility.
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After twenty-five years of Habonim camping, how does one evaluate its effectiveness? What are the criteria which should be employed to measure success or failure?
There is a triple partnership involved in camp: the camper, the movement, and the parent. Each, in essence, views Camp Kvutza through his own perspective.
The parent is concerned mainly with practical matters: the health and welfare of his child, the quality of supervision, and the facilities for recreation. All too rarely is he sufficiently concerned with the more subtle, educational implications of the program. In most instances, in most Habonim camps, today in 1960, we can utter a resounding "yes" to the question of success. Our camps are well-run, rather efficient institutions.
The camper—member of Habonim or not—he, too, answers in the affirmative. We know this to be a fact by our records of re-registrations, by the statistically small number who cannot adjust to camp and leave before their allotted time, by the increasingly large numbers who join Habonim at the end of the camp season.
As for the movement, an objective evaluation can only bring an affirmative declaration. Camp Kvutza is the major strength of our movement today. The aliya from our movement has its idea-inception in Camp Kvutza. Identification with Labor Zionist philosophy is a natural outgrowth of camp life. The status and prestige of our movement, as an educational instrumentality in communities throughout the country, are reflected by the acceptance and success of the local camps. In the face of all criteria, with full recognition of weaknesses and problems. Camp Kvutza stands as a monument to the creativity of Labor Zionism in America. May it continue "from strength to strength."
DANIEL ISAACMAN, Philadelphia, 1960